Filetype
A syntactic treatment of logophoricity and anaphoricity: evidence from verbal agreement Sandhya Sundaresan, University of Tromsø (CASTL)/Universität Stuttgart Anaphoricity and logophoricity are standardly treated as underlyingly distinct, with the former receiving primarily structural treatments (Chomsky, 1981; Hicks, 2009; Reuland, 2011) and the latter predominantly semantico-pragmatic ones (Sell
A Dual-Source Analysis of Gapping David Potter, Michael Frazier, Masaya Yoshida Gapping constructions (1) have long been known to be ambiguous with respect to the scope of modals and negation [11], with the scope-taking material scoping either under the coordina- tor, yielding distributed scope, or above the coordinator, yielding wide scope. Extant analyses of Gapping [2, 5, 4, 6, 9] stumble over
Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Verb Clusters and the Semantics of Head Movement Background: Bobaljik & Wurmbrand (2005) argue for an analysis of German long passives according to which the embedded object undergoes raising to the matrix clause to receive case from matrix T. The crucial piece of evidence in support of this view is the emergence of obligatory wide
Microsoft Word - GLOW_sprouting.docx Conditions on Sprouting Bradley Larson University of Maryland Aim: I argue that sprouting instances of sluicing are crucially conditioned by their inner antecedents being Given (Schwarzschild 1999). This contrasts with current analyses of sprouting which hold that it is conditioned by either syntactic or phonological absence of an antecedent. Further, this cond
Untitled The absence of coreferential subjects in TP coordination Bronwyn M. Bjorkman (University of Toronto) Since Ross (1967) much work on the syntax of coordination has been concerned with the con- ditions governing optionally “shared” material between two conjuncts. Much less attention has been given, however, to cases in which such sharing is obligatory. This paper investigates a requirement
Anaphoric dependencies in real time: Processing of Russian numerical constructions Maria Polinsky and Eric Potsdam Harvard University and the University of Florida Natural language has numerous ways to encode anaphoric dependencies, including filler-gap (movement) constructions, antecedent-anaphor relations, control, variable binding, and coreference. Such relations can be created in the syntax (e
GLOW-Abstract2013-5 Constraining Local Dislocation dialect-geographically: V-T-AGR versus V-AGR-T in Dutch dialects Gertjan Postma (Meertens Institute Amsterdam, gertjan.postma@meertens.knaw.nl) Theoretical frameworks that describe natural language often make a difference between phenomena that are central to the grammar and phenomena that are more peripheral, for instance the "exceptions" in trad
Repairing Final-Over-Final Constraint Violations: Evidence from Basque verb clusters Repairing Final-Over-Final Constraint Violations: Evidence from Basque Verb Clusters Ricardo Etxepare and Bill Haddican This paper discusses some implications of Basque for recent approaches to Final-Over- Final Constraint (FOFC) effects (Biberauer et al., to appear, henceforth “BHR”). We present evidence suggesti
Stefan Keine (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Long-Distance Agreement, Improper Movement and the Locality of Agree Background: As is well-known, Hindi allows for long-distance agreement (LDA) between a matrix verb and the direct object of an embedded infinitival verb (see Bhatt 2005 and references cited there). LDA is generally optional and alternates with m.sg default agreement: (1) Raam-ne
Kucerova-GLOW2013-abstract Long-Distance Agreement in Icelandic revisited: An interplay of locality and semantics Ivona Kučerová (McMaster University) We argue that instances of long-distance agreement (LDA) with Nominative objects (NOM) in Ice- landic are fully reducible to a strictly local operation of Agree with v acting as a single probe. This type of analysis has been refuted in the past bec
OpacityMergeAgree_nonanonym Opaque interaction of Merge and Agree: on two types of Internal Merge Doreen Georgi (University of Leipzig) Claim I present a new empirical argument for a strictly derivational syntax based on timing of operations. The evidence comes from opacity effects which show that internal Merge (IM) is not a uniform operation. Rather, it must be split into IM triggered by edge fe
Paths Gillian Ramchand, University of Tromsø/CASTL One of the potential benets of a decomposed and constructivist approach to phrase structure is that generalizations about meaning that have linguistic consequences can be represented within the core symbolic system of language (what we traditionally call the `syntax'), thus localizing recursion and generativity to a single module. However, it is n
https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Paths.pdf - 2025-03-17
On the evolution of heterophony: lexical semantic pressures on phonological alternations Daniel Silverman, SJSU Through a combination of factors—(1) the low level phonetic variation inherent to speech 1 production, (2) the consequences of lexical semantic ambiguity and misunderstanding, and 2 (3) the tendency for speakers to reproduce the variation they perceive—sounds’ context-3 specific propert
GLOW 2013 Abstract named Synchronic Systems in Diachronic Change: The Role of Contrast B. Elan Dresher, Christopher Harvey, and Will Oxford University of Toronto Our paper addresses a question raised in the workshop prospectus, namely ‘how innovation comes into being and, once it has occurred, enters the synchronic computational system’. As suggested there, our account involves the relation betwee
GLOW Workshop Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic patterns and historical change: a unified account Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho1 & Ali Tifrit2 (1UMR 7023 – Université Paris 8, 2LLing – Université de Nantes) The three major classes of consonants as regards the place of articulation – labials, coronals and dorsals – exhibit asymmetrical behaviour both in phonemic inventories (§ 1) and in historical
Reflexivity without reflexives Eric Reuland, Anna Volkova1 Utrecht institute of Linguistics OTS, Universiteit Utrecht Background: What prevents pronominals from being locally bound? Does this a) reflect an intrinsic property of pronominals (Chomsky 1981), is it b) a relative (economy) effect, that only shows up where there is a more dedicated competitor (see from different perspectives, Safir 2004
The directionality of agreement and nominal concord in Zazaki Maziar Toosarvandani and Coppe van Urk Massachusetts Institute of Technology We investigate two issues in the theory of agreement from the perspective of nominal con- cord in Zazaki. First, does Agree operate downward, upward, or in both directions (Adger 2003, Baker 2008, Zeijlstra 2012, Preminger 2012)? Second, does nominal concord ma
GLOW Martin Hinzen THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXICAL Txuss Martín & Wolfram Hinzen, Department of Philosophy, Durham University, UK Pronouns are said to uniquely exhibit ‘essentially indexical’ forms of referential use (KAPLAN 1989, PERRY 1993, LEWIS 1983): for example, ‘I’ does not mean ‘the speaker’ or ‘Bob’, even if I utter ‘I’ and am Bob. Commonly, the phenomenon is modeled formal-semanti
Microsoft Word - glow36 named Anti-reconstruction, anti-agreement and the dynamics of A-movement Gary Thoms, University of Edinburgh In this paper we propose an analysis of agreement-based antireconstruction effects. Focusing on British 'team DPs', we show that reconstruction seems to be subject to a representational condition barring the interpretation of non-exhaustively-agreeing DPs in 'agreeme
Covert without overt: QR for movementless parsing frameworks Asad Sayeed and Vera Demberg, MMCI Cluster of Excellence, Saarland University After a two-decade period of relative absence, rich linguistic representation is returning to engineering applications, particularly incremental parsing and spoken dialogue systems. How- ever, for reasons of structural ambiguity avoidance and representational c
