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Anaphoric dependencies in real time: Processing of Russian numerical constructions Maria Polinsky and Eric Potsdam Harvard University and the University of Florida Natural language has numerous ways to encode anaphoric dependencies, including filler-gap (movement) constructions, antecedent-anaphor relations, control, variable binding, and coreference. Such relations can be created in the syntax (e

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Friday/Anaphoric_dependencies_in_real_time_-_The_processing_of_Russian_numerical_constructions.pdf - 2025-03-17

GLOW-Abstract2013-5

GLOW-Abstract2013-5 Constraining Local Dislocation dialect-geographically: V-T-AGR versus V-AGR-T in Dutch dialects Gertjan Postma (Meertens Institute Amsterdam, gertjan.postma@meertens.knaw.nl) Theoretical frameworks that describe natural language often make a difference between phenomena that are central to the grammar and phenomena that are more peripheral, for instance the "exceptions" in trad

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Friday/Constraining_Local_Dislocation_dialect-geographically_-_V-T-AGR_versus_V-AGR-T_in_Dutch_dialects.pdf - 2025-03-17

Repairing Final-Over-Final Constraint Violations: Evidence from Basque verb clusters

Repairing Final-Over-Final Constraint Violations: Evidence from Basque verb clusters Repairing Final-Over-Final Constraint Violations: Evidence from Basque Verb Clusters Ricardo Etxepare and Bill Haddican This paper discusses some implications of Basque for recent approaches to Final-Over- Final Constraint (FOFC) effects (Biberauer et al., to appear, henceforth “BHR”). We present evidence suggesti

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Friday/Repairing_Final-Over-Final_Constraint_Violations_-_Evidence_from_Basque_Verb_Clusters.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Stefan Keine (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Long-Distance Agreement, Improper Movement and the Locality of Agree Background: As is well-known, Hindi allows for long-distance agreement (LDA) between a matrix verb and the direct object of an embedded infinitival verb (see Bhatt 2005 and references cited there). LDA is generally optional and alternates with m.sg default agreement: (1) Raam-ne

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Long-Distance_Agreement__Improper_Movement_and_the_Locality_of_Agree.pdf - 2025-03-17

Kucerova-GLOW2013-abstract

Kucerova-GLOW2013-abstract Long-Distance Agreement in Icelandic revisited: An interplay of locality and semantics Ivona Kučerová (McMaster University) We argue that instances of long-distance agreement (LDA) with Nominative objects (NOM) in Ice- landic are fully reducible to a strictly local operation of Agree with v acting as a single probe. This type of analysis has been refuted in the past bec

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Long-Distance_Agreement_in_Icelandic_Revisited.pdf - 2025-03-17

OpacityMergeAgree_nonanonym

OpacityMergeAgree_nonanonym Opaque interaction of Merge and Agree: on two types of Internal Merge Doreen Georgi (University of Leipzig) Claim I present a new empirical argument for a strictly derivational syntax based on timing of operations. The evidence comes from opacity effects which show that internal Merge (IM) is not a uniform operation. Rather, it must be split into IM triggered by edge fe

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Opaque_interaction_of_Merge_and_Agree.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Paths Gillian Ramchand, University of Tromsø/CASTL One of the potential benets of a decomposed and constructivist approach to phrase structure is that generalizations about meaning that have linguistic consequences can be represented within the core symbolic system of language (what we traditionally call the `syntax'), thus localizing recursion and generativity to a single module. However, it is n

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Paths.pdf - 2025-03-17

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On the evolution of heterophony: lexical semantic pressures on phonological alternations Daniel Silverman, SJSU Through a combination of factors—(1) the low level phonetic variation inherent to speech 1 production, (2) the consequences of lexical semantic ambiguity and misunderstanding, and 2 (3) the tendency for speakers to reproduce the variation they perceive—sounds’ context-3 specific propert

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Phonology_2/On_the_evolution_of_heterophony_-_lexical_semantic_pressures_on_phonological_alternations.pdf - 2025-03-17

GLOW 2013 Abstract named

GLOW 2013 Abstract named Synchronic Systems in Diachronic Change: The Role of Contrast B. Elan Dresher, Christopher Harvey, and Will Oxford University of Toronto Our paper addresses a question raised in the workshop prospectus, namely ‘how innovation comes into being and, once it has occurred, enters the synchronic computational system’. As suggested there, our account involves the relation betwee

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Phonology_2/Synchronic_Systems_in_Diachronic_Change_-_The_Role_of_Contrast.pdf - 2025-03-17

GLOW Workshop

GLOW Workshop Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic patterns and historical change: a unified account Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho1 & Ali Tifrit2 (1UMR 7023 – Université Paris 8, 2LLing – Université de Nantes) The three major classes of consonants as regards the place of articulation – labials, coronals and dorsals – exhibit asymmetrical behaviour both in phonemic inventories (§ 1) and in historical

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Phonology_2/Velar_-_coronal_asymmetry_in_phonemic_patterns_and_change_-_a_unified_account.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Reflexivity without reflexives Eric Reuland, Anna Volkova1 Utrecht institute of Linguistics OTS, Universiteit Utrecht Background: What prevents pronominals from being locally bound? Does this a) reflect an intrinsic property of pronominals (Chomsky 1981), is it b) a relative (economy) effect, that only shows up where there is a more dedicated competitor (see from different perspectives, Safir 2004

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Reflexivity_without_reflexives.pdf - 2025-03-17

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The directionality of agreement and nominal concord in Zazaki Maziar Toosarvandani and Coppe van Urk Massachusetts Institute of Technology We investigate two issues in the theory of agreement from the perspective of nominal con- cord in Zazaki. First, does Agree operate downward, upward, or in both directions (Adger 2003, Baker 2008, Zeijlstra 2012, Preminger 2012)? Second, does nominal concord ma

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/The_directionality_of_agreement_and_nominal_concord_in_Zazaki_01.pdf - 2025-03-17

GLOW Martin Hinzen

GLOW Martin Hinzen THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXICAL Txuss Martín & Wolfram Hinzen, Department of Philosophy, Durham University, UK Pronouns are said to uniquely exhibit ‘essentially indexical’ forms of referential use (KAPLAN 1989, PERRY 1993, LEWIS 1983): for example, ‘I’ does not mean ‘the speaker’ or ‘Bob’, even if I utter ‘I’ and am Bob. Commonly, the phenomenon is modeled formal-semanti

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/The_grammar_of_the_essential_indexical.pdf - 2025-03-17

Microsoft Word - glow36 named

Microsoft Word - glow36 named Anti-reconstruction, anti-agreement and the dynamics of A-movement Gary Thoms, University of Edinburgh In this paper we propose an analysis of agreement-based antireconstruction effects. Focusing on British 'team DPs', we show that reconstruction seems to be subject to a representational condition barring the interpretation of non-exhaustively-agreeing DPs in 'agreeme

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Anti-reconstruction__anti-agreement_and_the_dynamics_of_A-movement.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Covert without overt: QR for movementless parsing frameworks Asad Sayeed and Vera Demberg, MMCI Cluster of Excellence, Saarland University After a two-decade period of relative absence, rich linguistic representation is returning to engineering applications, particularly incremental parsing and spoken dialogue systems. How- ever, for reasons of structural ambiguity avoidance and representational c

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Covert_without_overt_-_QR_for_movementless_parsing_frameworks.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Don’t scope your universal quantifier over negation! Mojmı́r Dočekal & Hana Strachoňová There has been a lot of attention in the literature given to the factors which decide the relative scope of logical operators in the interpretation of sentences. One of the crucial factors was claimed to be information structure (Jackendoff 1972, Hajičová 1975, Büring 1997, a.o.). One of the most importan

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Don_t_scope_your_universal_quantifier_over_negation.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Limits on Noun-suppletion Beata Moskal, University of Connecticut (beata.moskal@uconn.edu) Suppletion refers to the phenomenon in which a single lexical item is associated with two phonologically unrelated forms, the choice of form depending on the morphosyntactic context. Consider the familiar example of the good-better-best paradigm, in which the adjective root surfaces as good in isolation but

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Limits_on_Noun-suppletion.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Marginal contrast, categorical allophony, and the Contrastivist Hypothesis Yuni Kim University of Manchester Recent work in phonology has reinvigorated debates on the classic issue of the relationship between phonemic contrast, representational feature specifications, and phonological activity. The Contrastivist Hypothesis (Hall 2007, Dresher 2009) states that only contrastive values of a feature

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Marginal_contrast__categorical_allophony__and_the_Contrastivist_Hypothesis.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Motivating head movement: The case of negative inversion in West Texas English Sabina Matyiku (sabina.matyiku@yale.edu) Yale University Negative inversion (or Declarative Negative Auxiliary Inversion) is a phenomenon present in some varieties of North American English such as African American English, Appalachian English, and West Texas English (WTE). Constructions exhibiting negative inversion ar

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Motivating_head_Movement_-_The_Case_of_Negative_Inversion_in_West_Texas_English.pdf - 2025-03-17

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Pro-drop as ellipsis: evidence from the interpretation of null arguments Maia Duguine University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU & University of Nantes GOAL. In this talk, I defend a DP/NP-ellipsis (DPE) analysis of pro-drop cross-linguistically. 1 PRO-DROP AS DPE. The standard view is that there are different types of pro-drop phenomena across languages (cf. recently Holmberg 2010); e.g. DPE is at

https://konferens.ht.lu.se/fileadmin/user_upload/sol/ovrigt/konferens_glow36/Abstracts_GLOW_Colloquium/Thursday/Pro-drop_as_ellipsis_-_evidence_from_the_interpretation_of_null_arguments.pdf - 2025-03-17